Gig work a full-time job for many in India, finds survey

The rise of gig work as a full-time livelihood in India marks a profound structural shift in the country's labour landscape, one that has accelerated dramatically since the COVID-19 pandemic and the rapid expansion of platform-based economies. What began as supplementary income through food delivery, ride-hailing, and freelance digital tasks has evolved into the primary source of earnings for millions — particularly youth, migrants, and informal sector workers displaced from traditional employment. A recent survey underscores that these workers now face systemic vulnerabilities: 12–14 hour shifts without overtime pay, algorithmic management that penalises breaks, exposure to extreme heat and air pollution without protective gear, and near-total absence of toilets, drinking water, or rest shelters at pickup points. This is not merely a labour issue — it is a constitutional and governance challenge. Historically, India’s labour laws — rooted in the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947, and the Factories Act, 1948 — were designed for employer-employee relationships in fixed establishments. Gig workers, classified as "independent contractors" or "partners," fall outside these protections. The Constitution, under Article 21 (Right to Life), Article 23 (Prohibition of Forced Labour), and Article 41 (Right to Work), implicitly guarantees dignity and security of work — yet gig workers remain excluded. The Directive Principles in Article 42 (just and humane conditions of work) and Article 43 (living wage, decent conditions) remain unfulfilled for this growing cohort. Key stakeholders include platform companies (Zomato, Swiggy, Uber, Ola, Urban Company), the Ministry of Labour and Employment, state governments, trade unions like IFAT and AITUC, and the workers themselves — over 7.7 million registered on the e-Shram portal as of 2023, though actual numbers are estimated at 15–20 million. The Code on Social Security, 2020, for the first time legally recognises "gig workers" and "platform workers" (Section 2(35) and 2(61)), mandating their registration and enabling central/state schemes for life/disability cover, health, maternity, and old-age protection. Yet implementation remains patchy — only a few states like Rajasthan (Platform-Based Gig Workers Act, 2023) and Karnataka (draft rules) have taken concrete steps. Economically, gig work absorbs surplus labour in a country where 90% of the workforce is informal. But it risks creating a "precariat" class — digitally tethered, algorithmically controlled, and socially unprotected. Politically, it tests the state’s capacity to regulate digital capitalism. Socially, it deepens gender and caste disparities — women gig workers face safety risks and algorithmic bias; Dalit and Adivasi workers are overrepresented in hazardous last-mile delivery. Globally, India’s approach is watched closely — the EU’s Platform Work Directive (2024) and California’s AB5 law offer regulatory models. India’s G20 presidency (2023) highlighted "digital public infrastructure for social protection" — a signal of intent. Future implications hinge on three fronts: effective enforcement of the 2020 Code, portable benefits delinked from single platforms, and climate-resilient urban infrastructure (shaded rest points, hydration stations). Without these, the demographic dividend could turn into a demographic liability. For aspirants, this is not current affairs alone — it is a live case study in labour federalism, constitutional morality, and the future of work in the Fourth Industrial Revolution.