English Translation of Prime Minister’s Statement at the 26th SCO Summit

The 26th Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit held in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan on July 3-4, 2024, marked a significant milestone — the 25th anniversary of this Eurasian multilateral organisation founded in 2001. Prime Minister Narendra Modi's address articulated India's strategic vision for the SCO's next quarter-century through three pillars: Security (S), Connectivity (C), and Opportunity (O). This framework reflects India's evolving foreign policy doctrine under the 'Neighbourhood First' and 'Act East' policies, now extended to 'Extended Neighbourhood' engagement with Central Asia. Historically, the SCO emerged from the 'Shanghai Five' (1996) comprising China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, primarily focused on border demarcation and confidence-building. Uzbekistan joined in 2001, forming the SCO. India and Pakistan became full members in 2017 at the Astana Summit, expanding the organisation's demographic and economic weight. Today, the SCO represents approximately 40% of the world's population and 30% of global GDP, making it the world's largest regional organisation by geographic scope and population. Key stakeholders include the eight member states (China, Russia, India, Pakistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan), four observer states (Afghanistan, Belarus, Iran, Mongolia), and six dialogue partners. Iran's formal membership process began in 2023, while Belarus signed the memorandum of obligations in 2024. The Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) headquartered in Tashkent remains the SCO's most operational mechanism. For India, the SCO serves multiple strategic objectives. First, it provides a platform for counter-terrorism cooperation through RATS, crucial given cross-border terrorism challenges. Article 253 of the Indian Constitution empowers Parliament to implement international treaties, enabling domestic legislation aligned with SCO commitments. The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 and NIA Act, 2008 provide legal frameworks for counter-terrorism cooperation. Second, connectivity projects like the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and Chabahar Port align with India's 'Connect Central Asia' policy (2012), bypassing Pakistan's land blockade. However, Modi's emphasis on 'sovereignty and territorial integrity' directly references the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) traversing Pakistan-occupied Kashmir — a consistent Indian red line. The Afghanistan dimension remains critical. India has invested over $3 billion in Afghan development (Salma Dam, Parliament building, Zaranj-Delaram highway) and provided 50,000 MT of wheat humanitarian aid (2022-23). The SCO-Afghanistan Contact Group, established in 2005, remains a key dialogue mechanism. The West Asia crisis reference underscores India's energy security vulnerability — over 80% oil imports, with 60% from the Gulf — and supply chain risks via the Red Sea route. Drug trafficking through the 'Golden Crescent' (Afghanistan-Iran-Pakistan) threatens Punjab and Jammu & Kashmir. The Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act, 1985 (amended 2014) and India's participation in SCO anti-narcotics centres address this. The proposed SCO Civilizational Dialogue Forum — first session in India, 2024 — leverages India's civilizational links with Central Asia (Buddhism, Sufism, shared linguistic roots) for soft power projection. Youth-focused initiatives (SCO Start-up Forum, Young Scientists' Forum, Young Authors' Conclave) align with India's demographic dividend — median age 28.4 years vs. China's 38.4. The 'people-driven partnership' vision resonates with Article 51 of the Constitution (Directive Principles) promoting international peace and security. Future implications: India's 2025 SCO Chairmanship (rotating annually) will test its ability to translate vision into outcomes. Balancing China-Russia strategic convergence within SCO while maintaining Quad and I2U2 engagements requires diplomatic finesse. The 'Security-Connectivity-Opportunity' triad could become India's signature framework for Global South leadership, especially with SCO expansion (Belarus, Iran) and potential Gulf dialogue partnerships. Success depends on operationalising RATS intelligence-sharing, advancing INSTC/Chabahar, and institutionalising civilizational dialogue — moving from 'government-driven' to 'people-driven' cooperation as Modi envisioned from Bishkek.