PM Modi’s SCO visit is loaded with expectations on BRICS Summit and UNSC election

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's upcoming visit to the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit represents a pivotal moment in India's Eurasian diplomacy, coming at a time when global geopolitics is witnessing significant realignments. The SCO, founded in 2001 with China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan as founding members, expanded to include India and Pakistan in 2017, and more recently Iran in 2023. India's engagement with this Eurasian bloc has evolved from cautious participation to proactive leadership, reflecting New Delhi's growing confidence in shaping regional architectures. The historical context is crucial: India's Central Asia policy received a major boost with the launch of the "Connect Central Asia" policy in 2012, but it was the first India-Central Asia Summit in January 2022 — held virtually — that institutionalised high-level engagement. That summit, attended by the Presidents of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, established a framework for cooperation across trade, connectivity, development partnership, defence, and cultural exchanges. However, the absence of a follow-up physical summit since 2022 highlights the challenges of sustaining momentum amid global disruptions like the Russia-Ukraine conflict and the COVID-19 aftermath. PM Modi's bilateral focus on Iran and Tajikistan during this visit is strategically calibrated. Iran's formal induction into the SCO in 2023, coupled with the operationalisation of the Chabahar Port agreement (signed in May 2024 for a 10-year term), positions Iran as India's gateway to Central Asia and Afghanistan, bypassing Pakistan's land blockade. Tajikistan, sharing a border with Afghanistan and hosting India's first overseas military base at Ayni (refurbished in 2010), remains critical for regional security coordination, especially on counter-terrorism and radicalisation — core SCO mandates under the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) headquartered in Tashkent. The BRICS Summit agenda (scheduled for September 2024 in Kazan, Russia) intertwines deeply with SCO dynamics. With BRICS expanding in 2024 to include Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, UAE, and Saudi Arabia, the overlap in membership (China, Russia, India, Iran) creates a dual-platform synergy. India will likely push for de-dollarisation initiatives, New Development Bank (NDB) reforms, and a common BRICS currency framework — all aligning with its aspiration for a multipolar world order. Simultaneously, India's campaign for a UN Security Council non-permanent seat for 2028-2029 leverages its SCO and BRICS partnerships; support from Russia, China (despite bilateral tensions), and Central Asian votes will be crucial in the 2026 General Assembly elections. Constitutionally, Article 51 of the Directive Principles of State Policy mandates the State to "promote international peace and security" and "foster respect for international law" — a philosophical anchor for India's multilateralism. The visit also reflects the "Neighbourhood First" and "Extended Neighbourhood" policies operationalised through the Ministry of External Affairs' institutional mechanisms. Future implications are profound: a successful India-Central Asia Summit revival could unlock the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), enhance rare earth mineral cooperation (critical for India's green transition), and create a coordinated stance on Afghanistan under the SCO-Afghanistan Contact Group. However, challenges persist — China's Belt and Road Initiative dominance, divergent views on terrorism definitions, and the Russia-West rupture complicating India's strategic autonomy. For aspirants, this visit encapsulates the intersection of connectivity geography, multilateral diplomacy, and great power competition — a microcosm of 21st-century Indian foreign policy.