PM Modi begins Central Asia visit with two-day official visit to Tashkent before SCO summit

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recent Central Asia visit, commencing with a two-day official trip to Tashkent, Uzbekistan, before proceeding to Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan for the 26th Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit, marks a significant milestone in India's evolving foreign policy architecture. To understand the depth of this engagement, we must first appreciate the historical backdrop. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, five Central Asian republics — Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan — emerged as independent nations. India, sharing deep civilizational, cultural, and historical ties through the ancient Silk Road, recognized them early but substantive engagement remained limited due to geographical barriers — primarily the lack of direct land access, compounded by Pakistan's denial of transit rights. This structural constraint necessitated innovative connectivity solutions, leading to the conceptualization of the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) in 2000 (ratified in 2002) and India's pivotal investment in Iran's Chabahar Port, operationalized in 2018, providing a sea-land route bypassing Pakistan. The 'Connect Central Asia' policy, formally articulated in 2012 by then Minister of State for External Affairs E. Ahamed, laid down a comprehensive framework encompassing political dialogue, strategic cooperation, energy security, trade, and people-to-people exchanges. PM Modi's 2015 visit to all five Central Asian countries in a single tour was a watershed moment, elevating the relationship to a strategic partnership level. Since then, institutional mechanisms like the India-Central Asia Dialogue (launched 2019) and the first India-Central Asia Summit (virtual, January 2022) have institutionalized high-level engagement. The current visit continues this trajectory, reinforcing India's commitment to the region as a key pillar of its 'Extended Neighborhood' policy. Key stakeholders include the leadership of Uzbekistan (President Shavkat Mirziyoyev) and Kyrgyzstan (President Sadyr Japarov), both of whom have prioritized regional integration and economic reforms. The SCO, founded in 2001 (Shanghai Five since 1996), with India and Pakistan joining as full members in 2017, serves as the primary multilateral platform. The 26th SCO Summit in Bishkek (2024) focuses on counter-terrorism under the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS), headquartered in Tashkent, energy cooperation, digital connectivity, and expanding the SCO's economic agenda. India's participation underscores its balancing act — engaging with China and Russia within SCO while advancing its own Indo-Pacific vision through the Quad. For India, the significance is multi-dimensional. Economically, Central Asia holds vast reserves of uranium (Kazakhstan is the world's largest producer), rare earth elements, and hydrocarbons — critical for India's energy transition and strategic autonomy. The INSTC and Chabahar Port reduce logistics costs and time by up to 40%, boosting trade which currently stands below potential at ~$2 billion annually. Politically, the region supports India's candidature for UNSC permanent membership and counters Pakistan's narrative on Kashmir. Constitutionally, Article 51(c) of the Directive Principles of State Policy mandates the state to "foster respect for international law and treaty obligations," guiding such diplomatic outreach. The visit also aligns with India's G20 presidency legacy (2023) of amplifying the Global South's voice. Broader themes include the shifting geopolitics of Eurasia — the Russia-Ukraine conflict, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) penetration, and the Taliban's return in Afghanistan — all impacting Central Asia's strategic calculus. India's 'security-development' nexus approach, emphasizing capacity building (ITEC slots, defense training), pharmaceutical supply chains, and digital public infrastructure (UPI, Aadhaar stack) exports, offers a distinct alternative model. Future implications point towards deepening institutionalization: a possible India-Central Asia Leaders' Summit in 2025, operationalizing the Chabahar-INSTC linkage for Afghan humanitarian aid, and expanding SCO's counter-terrorism mandate to address emerging threats like cyber-radicalization. For aspirants, this visit exemplifies how India navigates multipolarity — leveraging minilaterals (SCO, Quad, BRICS) to safeguard strategic autonomy while advancing developmental diplomacy.