Kharge, Rahul Gandhi write to PM, seek fresh questionnaire for effective caste census

The demand for a caste census has resurfaced as a pivotal political and policy issue in India, with Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge and former party chief Rahul Gandhi writing to Prime Minister Narendra Modi in August 2024, urging the government to design a fresh, scientifically robust questionnaire for the long-delayed national caste enumeration. This intervention comes against the backdrop of growing pressure from opposition parties, social justice movements, and several state governments for a comprehensive caste count — the first since 1931 — to inform equitable welfare delivery, reservation policies, and representation in governance. Historically, the British conducted decennial censuses including caste data until 1931. Post-independence, the Indian Census continued collecting data on Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) under Articles 341 and 342 of the Constitution, but discontinued enumeration of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and other castes after 1951, citing administrative complexity and the goal of a casteless society. However, the Mandal Commission (1979–80), established under Article 340, estimated OBCs at 52% of the population and recommended 27% reservation in central government jobs and education — implemented in 1990 by the V.P. Singh government. Since then, the absence of updated caste data has hampered precise targeting of affirmative action and fueled demands for a fresh census. The 2011 Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC), conducted under the UPA government, collected caste data but was marred by inconsistencies — over 46 lakh caste names were recorded due to lack of standardization, sub-caste variations, and linguistic differences (e.g., 'Yadav', 'Ahir', 'Gowda' often referring to same groups). The data was never fully released or used for policy. Learning from this, Kharge and Gandhi’s letter emphasizes a drop-down list of castes — a digital, standardized classification — to prevent fragmentation and duplication. They cite the Bihar Caste-Based Survey (2023) and Telangana’s Samagra Kutumba Survey (2014) as successful models. Bihar’s survey, conducted in two phases across 38 districts, enumerated 215 castes using a pre-coded list and mobile-based data entry, revealing OBCs and EBCs constitute 63% of the state’s population. Telangana’s survey covered 1.27 crore households and informed the state’s reservation enhancement for OBCs in local bodies. Key stakeholders include the Union Government (which controls the Census Act, 1948), the Registrar General of India, state governments, OBC commissions, and civil society. The political stakes are high ahead of the 2026 Census cycle and the 2024–2029 electoral landscape, with parties like RJD, SP, DMK, and JD(U) making caste census a core demand. The Supreme Court, in *Jarnail Singh v. Lachhmi Narain Gupta* (2018), upheld the 'creamy layer' principle for SC/ST promotions but emphasized data-backed reservations. A credible caste census would strengthen the constitutional mandate under Articles 15(4), 15(5), 16(4), and 340 for socially and educationally backward classes. Economically, accurate caste data enables better targeting of schemes like PM-AJAY, OBC scholarships, and sub-categorization of OBC quotas (as recommended by the Justice Rohini Commission, 2023). Socially, it empowers marginalized groups with evidence for representation. Internationally, India’s data gaps contrast with countries like Brazil and South Africa that use race/ethnicity data for equity policies. Future implications include a likely political showdown if the Centre resists, potential state-level surveys expanding (Karnataka, Odisha, Maharashtra), and judicial scrutiny of reservation policies without empirical backing. For aspirants, this issue sits at the intersection of polity, governance, social justice, and statistical governance — a recurring theme in UPSC, State PSC, and SSC exams.