U.S. accounts for 67% of India’s LPG imports, Petroleum Minister Hardeep Puri

India's dramatic shift in LPG import sourcing — from heavy reliance on West Asian supplies transiting the Strait of Hormuz to securing 67% of its LPG imports from the United States — marks a pivotal moment in the country's energy security architecture. To understand the magnitude of this transition, we must first appreciate the pre-conflict baseline: before the escalation in West Asia (particularly post-October 2023), India imported roughly 60% of its domestic LPG requirement, with a staggering 90% of that volume passing through the Strait of Hormuz, the world's most critical oil chokepoint. This concentration created acute vulnerability; any disruption — whether from geopolitical tension, blockade, or conflict — could sever India's primary cooking fuel lifeline, affecting over 300 million households, including crores of beneficiaries under the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY), launched in 2016 to provide clean cooking fuel to women in Below Poverty Line (BPL) families. The shift toward U.S. LPG is not accidental but the result of deliberate strategic energy diplomacy spearheaded by the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas under Minister Hardeep Singh Puri. India has leveraged its growing strategic partnership with the United States — institutionalized through frameworks like the U.S.-India Strategic Energy Partnership (SEP), revived in 2018, and the U.S.-India Climate and Clean Energy Agenda 2030 Partnership — to diversify hydrocarbon sources. The U.S., now a net energy exporter due to the shale revolution, offers stable, transparent, and politically reliable supplies. Indian Oil Corporation (IOC), Bharat Petroleum (BPCL), and Hindustan Petroleum (HPCL) have signed long-term contracts with American suppliers such as Enterprise Products Partners and Cheniere Energy, securing volumes at competitive prices indexed to Henry Hub rather than volatile Middle Eastern benchmarks. This diversification aligns with India's broader energy security doctrine, which rests on four pillars: availability, affordability, sustainability, and accessibility — principles echoed in the National Energy Policy (NITI Aayog, 2017) and the Integrated Energy Policy (2008). Constitutionally, while energy is not explicitly listed in the Seventh Schedule, the Union's authority over petroleum and natural gas derives from Entry 53 of the Union List ("Regulation and development of oilfields and mineral oil resources") and Entry 38 of the Concurrent List ("Electricity"), enabling central legislation like the Petroleum and Natural Gas Regulatory Board Act, 2006. The shift also supports India's commitment under the Paris Agreement (Article 2.1c) to align finance flows with low-emission development, as U.S. LPG has a lower carbon intensity than some traditional sources. Economically, the move insulates India's fiscal balance from supply shocks that could spike subsidy outlays — LPG subsidy expenditure crossed ₹12,000 crore in FY23. Politically, it strengthens India's strategic autonomy, allowing it to maintain balanced relations in West Asia without energy coercion. Socially, it safeguards the gains of PMUY, which has issued over 9.6 crore connections as of 2024, directly improving women's health by reducing indoor air pollution (a leading cause of respiratory disease per WHO). Looking ahead, India is likely to deepen U.S. energy ties — potentially expanding into ethane, propane, and LNG — while simultaneously investing in domestic production (via ONGC, OIL), bio-LPG, and strategic petroleum reserves (SPR) at Padur, Chandikhol, and Visakhapatnam. The recent announcement of a $2 billion U.S.-India clean energy finance initiative (2024) may further catalyze this trajectory. For aspirants, this case exemplifies how energy diplomacy, institutional frameworks, and constitutional governance converge to secure national interests in a volatile world — a recurring theme in UPSC GS Paper II (International Relations), GS Paper III (Economy, Security), and Essay papers.