Will join NC protest if Article 370 restoration, lifting ban on Jamaat added to agenda: PDP
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Will join NC protest if Article 370 restoration, lifting ban on Jamaat added to agenda: PDP

PDP chief Mehbooba Mufti has set conditions for joining the National Conference's Delhi protest, demanding Article 370 restoration, lifting of the ban on Jamaat-e-Islami, statehood for Jammu and Kashmir, and release of political prisoners. This development highlights ongoing political tensions in J&K post-Article 370 abrogation in August 2019. The alliance between regional parties signals continued resistance to the Centre's reorganization of the erstwhile state. For competitive exams, this tests knowledge of Article 370, J&K Reorganisation Act 2019, Jamaat-e-Islami's status under UAPA, and Centre-state relations in Union Territories.

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Key points

Exam-ready takeaways

PDP chief Mehbooba Mufti conditions support for National Conference's Delhi protest

Demands include Article 370 restoration and lifting ban on Jamaat-e-Islami

Also seeks statehood for J&K and release of political prisoners

Article 370 abrogated on August 5, 2019 via Presidential Order CO 272

Jamaat-e-Islami banned under UAPA in February 2019 for 5 years

Detailed analysis

Full exam-oriented breakdown

The recent announcement by PDP chief Mehbooba Mufti setting conditions for joining the National Conference's Delhi protest marks a significant development in Jammu and Kashmir's post-August 2019 political landscape. To understand this fully, we must trace back to August 5, 2019, when the Government of India, through Presidential Order CO 272 under Article 370(1), effectively abrogated Article 370 of the Constitution, which had granted special autonomous status to the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir. Simultaneously, the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019 was passed by Parliament, bifurcating the state into two Union Territories — Jammu & Kashmir (with legislature) and Ladakh (without legislature) — effective October 31, 2019. This move ended seven decades of constitutional asymmetry and triggered widespread political detention, including mainstream leaders like Mehbooba Mufti, Omar Abdullah, and Farooq Abdullah, who were held under the Public Safety Act (PSA) for months. The current protest initiative by the National Conference (NC), led by Farooq and Omar Abdullah, seeks three core demands: restoration of statehood, release of political prisoners, and reversal of demographic changes feared under new domicile laws. Mehbooba Mufti's conditional support adds two critical demands: restoration of Article 370 and lifting the ban on Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI). The JeI, a socio-religious organization with political influence in Kashmir, was banned for five years in February 2019 under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), 1967, by the Ministry of Home Affairs, citing its alleged links to militancy and separatism. The ban was extended in 2024 for another five years. Mufti's insistence on its revocation signals the PDP's attempt to reclaim its religious-conservative base, which views JeI as a legitimate social actor. This alliance between NC and PDP — former rivals who formed a coalition government with the BJP from 2015–2018 — reflects a strategic convergence among regional parties against the Centre's integrationist agenda. Their joint platform, often referred to as the "Gupkar Alliance" or People's Alliance for Gupkar Declaration (PAGD), formed in October 2020, explicitly seeks restoration of Article 370 and statehood. However, the Centre has maintained that Article 370's abrogation is irreversible, a position upheld by the Supreme Court in its December 2023 verdict in *In re: Article 370*, which validated the presidential orders and parliamentary action while directing restoration of statehood "at the earliest" and elections in J&K by September 2024. The Assembly elections were subsequently held in September–October 2024, resulting in a NC-Congress coalition government under Omar Abdullah — the first elected government since 2018. The significance of this protest extends beyond regional politics. It tests the durability of India's federal architecture, particularly the Centre's power under Article 3 to reorganize states without their consent — a precedent with implications for other states. It also raises questions about democratic representation in Union Territories, where the Lieutenant Governor (LG) holds extensive executive powers under the Government of Union Territories Act, 1963, and the J&K Reorganisation Act, often clashing with elected governments. The demand for political prisoner release touches on civil liberties and preventive detention laws like PSA, which allow detention without trial for up to two years — a frequent point of criticism by human rights bodies. Economically, the post-2019 period has seen increased central investment, infrastructure projects, and extension of central laws (like GST, RTI, and labour codes) to J&K, but local unemployment and alienation persist. Socially, the abrogation enabled non-residents to acquire land and government jobs under new domicile rules, altering demographic anxieties. Internationally, Pakistan continues to raise the issue at UN forums, though India maintains it is an internal matter. Looking ahead, the protest in Delhi — if joined by PDP — could pressure the Centre to accelerate statehood restoration, already promised by Home Minister Amit Shah. However, Article 370 restoration remains a red line for the BJP-led government. The evolving Centre-UT relationship, the role of the LG versus the elected CM, and the fate of UAPA/PSA detainees will remain key flashpoints. For aspirants, this episode encapsulates core themes: constitutional amendment vs. basic structure, federalism, preventive detention, UAPA, and the politics of identity in a sensitive border region.

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