Sree Narayana Guru’s impact on Dalits in Kerala deeper than Ambedkar’s in north, says Shashi Tharoor

Shashi Tharoor's recent assertion, comparing Sree Narayana Guru's profound impact on Dalits in Kerala to Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's influence in North India, opens a vital discourse on the multifaceted nature of social reform movements in India. This statement not only highlights the regional variations in the struggle against caste but also brings to the forefront the legacy of a spiritual leader who fundamentally reshaped the social fabric of Kerala, a region once notoriously dubbed a 'lunatic asylum' by Swami Vivekananda.

To understand the depth of Guru's impact, we must first delve into the historical context of Kerala in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Swami Vivekananda, during his visit in 1892, famously described Kerala as a "lunatic asylum" due to the extreme and rigid caste system prevalent there. The upper-caste Nambudiris and Nairs maintained strict social distance from lower castes like the Ezhavas (Guru's community) and the Dalits. Untouchability was practiced with severe 'pollution distances,' where the very proximity of a lower caste person could 'pollute' an upper caste individual. Access to public spaces, temples, and even education was denied to the marginalized, creating a deeply oppressive social order.

It was into this milieu that Sree Narayana Guru (1856-1928) emerged as a beacon of change. Born into the Ezhava community, which, despite being numerically significant, suffered severe social discrimination, Guru adopted a unique approach that blended spiritual enlightenment with social reform. His core philosophy, encapsulated in the dictum "One Caste, One Religion, One God for Man" (Oru Jaathi, Oru Matham, Oru Daivam Manushyanu), challenged the very foundations of caste hierarchy. Unlike some reformers who sought to reform Hinduism from within by appealing to ancient texts, Guru's method involved direct action. In 1888, he consecrated a Shiva idol at Aruvippuram, defying the Brahminical monopoly over temple worship and symbolically asserting the right of all to spiritual practice. This act was a powerful declaration of spiritual democracy. He also established numerous temples, schools, and ashrams open to all castes, promoting universal education and self-respect among the downtrodden. The Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (SNDP Yogam), founded in 1903, became a crucial organizational vehicle for his reformist agenda, fostering unity and progress among the Ezhava community and beyond.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar (1891-1956), on the other hand, a towering figure from Maharashtra, led a pan-Indian movement for the annihilation of caste. Born into the Mahar (Dalit) community, Ambedkar's struggle was primarily political, legal, and constitutional. He famously led the Mahad Satyagraha in 1927, fighting for the right of Dalits to access public water sources. His advocacy for separate electorates for depressed classes, though later modified by the Poona Pact (1932), underlined his commitment to political empowerment. As the chief architect of the Indian Constitution, Ambedkar enshrined principles of equality, non-discrimination, and affirmative action, most notably through Article 17, which abolished untouchability, and Articles 15 and 16, which prohibit discrimination and ensure equal opportunity, respectively. His later conversion to Buddhism in 1956, along with millions of his followers, was a powerful act of rejection of the caste system embedded in Hinduism.

The comparison by Tharoor highlights that while Ambedkar's impact was national, legislative, and constitutional, Guru's influence in Kerala was deeply transformative at a grassroots, social, and spiritual level. Guru's movement empowered communities to challenge caste norms from within, building self-esteem and providing avenues for education and economic upliftment. This localized, yet profound, change laid the groundwork for Kerala's progressive social indicators and its unique socio-political landscape.

For India, this discussion matters profoundly. It underscores that the fight against caste oppression required diverse strategies tailored to regional specificities. It reminds us that social reform is not solely a top-down legislative process but also a bottom-up movement driven by spiritual and community leaders. The constitutional provisions like Article 14 (Equality before law), Article 15 (Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth), and Article 17 (Abolition of Untouchability) are the legal bulwarks against discrimination, but their spirit was nurtured by the struggles of reformers like Guru and Ambedkar. Furthermore, Article 46, which mandates the state to promote the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, especially the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, directly reflects the vision of these reformers. The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, is another legislative step in this direction.

In terms of future implications, the legacies of Sree Narayana Guru and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar continue to inspire movements for social justice. While untouchability is legally abolished, caste-based discrimination and inequalities persist in various subtle and overt forms across India. The debate around their comparative impact encourages a re-evaluation of historical narratives, emphasizing the contributions of regional figures often overshadowed by national icons. It also reinforces the ongoing need for both constitutional safeguards and sustained social and educational initiatives to achieve true equality and dismantle the remnants of caste hierarchy, ensuring that the vision of a truly egalitarian India, cherished by both Guru and Ambedkar, is realized.