Army Chief General Upendra Dwivedi concludes official visits to UAE and Sri Lanka

The official visits of India's Army Chief, General Upendra Dwivedi, to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Sri Lanka in early January represent a crucial facet of India's proactive defence diplomacy and strategic outreach in its extended neighbourhood. These high-level engagements are not isolated events but are deeply embedded in India's broader foreign policy objectives, particularly its 'Neighbourhood First' policy and its growing strategic partnerships in the Gulf region, often termed the 'Look West' policy. Understanding these visits requires delving into the geopolitical landscape, historical ties, and India's evolving role as a regional security provider.

**Background Context and Historical Ties:**

India's relationship with both the UAE and Sri Lanka is multifaceted, spanning centuries of trade, cultural exchange, and people-to-people connections. With the UAE, the ties have transformed significantly in recent decades, moving beyond a traditional buyer-seller relationship in energy to a comprehensive strategic partnership. This elevation of ties, particularly since 2015, has seen robust cooperation in trade, investment, technology, and crucially, defence and security. The UAE is a key player in the Gulf, a region vital for India's energy security (over 60% of India's crude oil imports come from the Gulf) and home to over 3.5 million Indian expatriates. Stability in the Gulf directly impacts India's economic well-being.

Sri Lanka, as India's closest maritime neighbour to the south, holds immense strategic importance. India's 'Neighbourhood First' policy places Sri Lanka at its core, focusing on mutual prosperity, security, and development. Historically, relations have been complex, marked by shared heritage and occasional challenges, including the Tamil issue and geopolitical competition in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Post-civil war, India has been a significant partner in Sri Lanka's reconstruction and capacity building, while also being mindful of other external influences, particularly China's growing footprint in the IOR, exemplified by projects like Hambantota Port.

**What Happened During the Visits:**

General Dwivedi's visit to the UAE from January 5-6 involved extensive discussions with senior leadership of the UAE Armed Forces, including the Commander of the UAE Land Forces. While specific details of the discussions are often kept confidential for strategic reasons, such high-level military dialogues typically cover a range of critical areas: enhancing bilateral defence cooperation, intelligence sharing, counter-terrorism efforts, joint military exercises, military training exchanges, and defence technology collaboration. The focus would have been on interoperability and addressing common security challenges in the Gulf and broader West Asian region. Although the provided article does not detail the Sri Lanka visit, it can be inferred that similar objectives were pursued: strengthening defence ties, discussing regional security, capacity building for the Sri Lankan military, and coordinating on maritime domain awareness, especially relevant given the shared maritime boundary and concerns about freedom of navigation in the IOR.

**Key Stakeholders Involved:**

Primarily, the **Indian Ministry of Defence** and the **Indian Army** (represented by its Chief) are the key Indian stakeholders, articulating India's defence policy and strategic interests. On the host nations' side, the **UAE Armed Forces** and its leadership, along with the **Sri Lankan Armed Forces** and their respective defence ministries, are the direct counterparts. Beyond these, the political leadership of all three nations plays a crucial role in shaping the strategic direction of these engagements. Regional and global powers with vested interests in the Gulf and IOR also indirectly influence these interactions, creating a complex geopolitical backdrop.

**Significance for India:**

These visits hold profound significance for India across multiple dimensions. **Strategically**, they reinforce India's position as a net security provider in the IOR and a reliable partner in the Gulf. Strengthening defence ties with the UAE helps secure India's western flank, crucial for energy security and protecting its diaspora. With Sri Lanka, it's vital for maintaining regional stability, countering the influence of rival powers (especially China's Belt and Road Initiative and naval presence), and ensuring the security of vital Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOCs) passing through the IOR, which are lifelines for India's trade. **Economically**, stability fostered through defence cooperation in these regions directly benefits India's trade, investment, and energy interests. **Diplomatically**, such high-level military-to-military engagements are a powerful tool of soft power and trust-building, projecting India's commitment to regional peace and security. They also facilitate information exchange on evolving threats, from terrorism to maritime piracy.

**Constitutional and Policy References:**

While there isn't a single constitutional article directly governing the Army Chief's foreign visits, these actions are an extension of the Union Executive's foreign policy powers, implicitly derived from **Article 53** (Executive Power of the Union) and **Article 73** (Extent of Executive power of the Union). The **Ministry of Defence** operates under the constitutional framework to manage India's defence and security. The visits align with India's overarching foreign policy doctrines such as 'Neighbourhood First Policy', which prioritizes relations with immediate neighbours like Sri Lanka, and the 'Look West' policy, which emphasizes strategic engagement with West Asian countries like the UAE. Furthermore, these engagements are consistent with India's 'SAGAR' (Security and Growth for All in the Region) vision, which aims to enhance maritime security, economic cooperation, and capacity building in the IOR.

**Future Implications:**

These visits are likely to lead to enhanced defence dialogues, increased frequency and complexity of joint military exercises (e.g., Desert Eagle with UAE, Mitra Shakti with Sri Lanka), greater sharing of intelligence, and potential for defence technology collaboration and co-production. India's growing defence manufacturing capabilities under 'Make in India' and 'Aatmanirbhar Bharat' initiatives could find new markets and partnerships in these nations. Such deeper engagements contribute to a more robust regional security architecture, positioning India as a pivotal player in maintaining peace and stability in both the Gulf and the Indian Ocean Region, critical for its national interests and global standing. These ongoing dialogues signify a proactive approach to addressing shared security concerns and reinforcing India's strategic autonomy in a complex geopolitical environment.