‘Bharat Mata ki Jai being heard where Lal Salaam used to be raised’: Amit Shah says Bastar on edge of being Maoist-free

Union Home Minister Amit Shah's declaration that the Bastar region of Chhattisgarh is on the verge of becoming 'Maoist-free' marks a significant milestone in India's long-standing battle against Left-Wing Extremism (LWE). This statement, accompanied by the symbolic phrase 'Bharat Mata ki Jai being heard where Lal Salaam used to be raised,' underscores a perceived shift in ideological and territorial control, signifying a major success for the government's internal security strategy.

To understand the gravity of this statement, one must delve into the background of LWE in India. Naxalism, as it is commonly known, originated in the Naxalbari village of West Bengal in 1967, stemming from an agrarian revolt against landlords and state oppression. Over the decades, it evolved into an armed insurgency, primarily led by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) – CPI (Maoist) – which seeks to overthrow the Indian state through protracted people's war. The movement found fertile ground in areas characterized by deep-seated socio-economic grievances, such as poverty, land alienation, displacement due to mining projects, lack of basic services, and perceived exploitation of tribal communities. These factors, combined with geographical advantages like dense forests and challenging terrain, allowed Maoist groups to establish strongholds, particularly in the 'Red Corridor' stretching across parts of Central and Eastern India.

Bastar, a division in southern Chhattisgarh, has historically been the epicenter of Maoist activity. Its dense forests, rich mineral resources, and a significant tribal population made it a strategic base for the insurgents. The region's isolation and underdeveloped infrastructure further aided the Maoists in establishing parallel governance structures, extorting resources, and recruiting cadres. For decades, Bastar was synonymous with violence, fear, and a severe hindrance to development, with schools destroyed, roads unbuilt, and government presence minimal.

The government's strategy to counter LWE has been multi-pronged, focusing on both security operations and developmental initiatives. On the security front, this involves intelligence gathering, deployment of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs) like the CRPF, BSF, and ITBP, along with state police forces, for anti-insurgency operations. The 'SAMADHAN' doctrine, articulated by the Ministry of Home Affairs, encapsulates this strategy: Smart leadership, Aggressive strategy, Motivation and training, Actionable intelligence, Dashboard-based KPIs (Key Performance Indicators) & KRs (Key Results), Harnessing technology, Action plan for each theatre, and No access to financing. This approach combines sustained pressure on Maoist leadership and cadres with efforts to cut off their funding and supply lines. Simultaneously, significant emphasis has been placed on development: building roads, schools, health centers, improving telecommunication networks, and implementing schemes for tribal welfare and employment generation to address the root causes of discontent.

Key stakeholders in this fight include the **Government of India** (especially the Ministry of Home Affairs), which formulates national policy, provides central forces, and funds development projects. **State Governments**, particularly Chhattisgarh, are crucial for implementing law and order, deploying state police, and ensuring effective governance. **Security Forces** bear the brunt of operations on the ground. The **local administration** and **tribal population** are perhaps the most critical stakeholders; they are often caught between the state and the Maoists, and their trust and cooperation are essential for long-term peace. The **CPI (Maoist)**, as the primary insurgent group, represents the challenge itself.

This development matters immensely for India. From an **internal security** perspective, reducing LWE is vital for national integrity and stability. Economically, it unlocks the potential of resource-rich but underdeveloped regions, paving the way for infrastructure development, investment, and job creation. Socially, it brings peace, allows access to education and healthcare, and upholds human rights for communities that have long suffered. Politically, it reasserts the authority of the state and strengthens democratic institutions in areas where they were challenged.

Several constitutional provisions and acts are relevant here. The **Seventh Schedule** of the Indian Constitution places 'Public Order' and 'Police' under the State List, while 'Defence of India' and 'Armed Forces' are in the Union List, necessitating strong Centre-State cooperation for tackling LWE. **Article 355** mandates the Union to protect every State against external aggression and internal disturbance. The **Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), 1967**, is a crucial legal tool used to designate terrorist organizations (like CPI (Maoist)) and deal with unlawful activities. Furthermore, policies like the **Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006**, aim to address historical injustices against forest-dwelling communities, which are often exploited by Maoists. Developmental schemes under the **Provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA), 1996**, empower tribal self-governance.

The future implications are significant. While the declaration of Bastar being 'Maoist-free' is a positive sign, sustaining this peace requires continued vigilance and a comprehensive approach. The government must focus on consolidating gains, ensuring that development reaches the last mile, and addressing any lingering grievances. Rehabilitation and reintegration programs for surrendered Maoists are crucial. The underlying socio-economic disparities that fuel extremism must be continuously tackled to prevent any resurgence. This success in Bastar could serve as a model for other LWE-affected regions, signaling a new era of peace and development in India's most challenging internal security theatres.