Caste enumeration to be part of exercise: Govt sanctions Rs 11,718 cr for two-phase Census 2027

The Indian government's sanction of Rs 11,718 crore for the two-phase Census 2027, with the crucial inclusion of caste enumeration, marks a monumental shift in India's demographic data collection strategy. This decision, following decades of debate and political demand, is poised to have far-reaching implications for socio-economic planning, political discourse, and the pursuit of social justice.

Historically, the last comprehensive caste census in British India was conducted in 1931. Post-independence, while the decennial census continued to collect data on Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) as mandated by constitutional provisions (e.g., Article 341 for SCs and Article 342 for STs), it refrained from enumerating other castes. This omission was largely due to concerns about reinforcing caste identities and potentially exacerbating social divisions. However, the absence of up-to-date caste data has long been a contentious issue, particularly for Other Backward Classes (OBCs). Political parties and social activists advocating for OBC rights have consistently argued that without current data, policies aimed at their upliftment, including reservation policies, are based on outdated or estimated figures, hindering effective and equitable resource allocation.

In 2011, the then government conducted the Socio-Economic Caste Census (SECC), which collected extensive data on households, including caste information. However, the raw caste data from SECC 2011 was never fully released or utilized for policy formulation, primarily due to methodological inconsistencies and concerns regarding the accuracy of self-declared caste identities. This left a significant void, perpetuating the reliance on the 1931 data or various state-level surveys, which often lacked uniformity and comprehensiveness. The recent decision for Census 2027 directly addresses this long-standing demand, signaling a proactive approach to gather granular demographic information.

Key stakeholders in this monumental exercise include the Government of India, primarily through the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India, who are responsible for the planning, execution, and analysis of the census. Political parties, especially those with significant OBC vote banks, such as the Samajwadi Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, and various regional outfits, have been persistent in their demand for a caste census, viewing it as essential for social justice and equitable representation. Social activists, academicians, and civil society organizations are also crucial stakeholders, advocating for transparency, methodological rigor, and the effective use of this data for targeted development. Ultimately, the citizens of India, whose demographic information will be collected, are the primary subjects and beneficiaries (or critics) of this exercise.

This decision holds immense significance for India. Firstly, it promises to provide accurate and contemporary data on the socio-economic status of various caste groups. This robust dataset is critical for evidence-based policymaking, allowing the government to design and implement targeted welfare schemes in education, health, employment, and poverty alleviation more effectively. For instance, schemes aimed at improving literacy or health outcomes could be better designed if the specific caste groups most in need are precisely identified. Secondly, it has direct implications for India's reservation policy. The Supreme Court's landmark judgment in the Indra Sawhney case (1992) upheld the 27% reservation for OBCs but also emphasized the need for empirical data to justify such reservations and to exclude the 'creamy layer'. Fresh caste data could provide the empirical basis for reviewing, refining, or even expanding reservation policies, potentially influencing the 50% cap on total reservations often discussed in legal circles. Article 15(4), 15(5), 16(4), and 16(5) of the Constitution, which empower the state to make special provisions for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes, will find a new empirical foundation for their application.

Furthermore, the data could reshape political representation. Delimitation exercises, which determine the boundaries of electoral constituencies, might factor in the updated demographic distribution of various communities. It could also intensify debates on identity politics and social stratification, prompting a re-evaluation of how caste intersects with economic status and political power. The National Commission for Backward Classes (NCBC), now a constitutional body under Article 338B, has also often highlighted the need for updated data to fulfill its mandate of safeguarding the interests of backward classes.

Looking ahead, the inclusion of caste enumeration in Census 2027 heralds several future implications. While it promises to empower policymakers with better data for inclusive development, it also presents methodological challenges, such as ensuring accurate self-declaration of caste and avoiding misclassification. There's also the potential for increased social and political mobilization along caste lines, which could either foster greater equity through data-driven advocacy or exacerbate existing divisions. The government will need to navigate these complexities carefully, ensuring that the collected data is used constructively to foster social cohesion and reduce disparities, rather than to deepen fault lines. The successful implementation of this census will be a test of India's commitment to data-driven governance and its ability to balance diverse social demands within its democratic framework.